2017 Barack Obama Full Speech Profiles in Courage Award


[Image from http://www.wbur.org/]
[English Transcript from http://time.com/]
[Chinese Translation from utalam]

Hello, everybody. Thank you so much. Thank you very much. Thank you. Please, everybody have a seat. Thank you. Thank you very much.

大家好。非常感謝。非常感謝你。謝謝。請大家就座。謝謝。 非常感謝你。

Well, first of all, thank you so much, Jack, for that really kind introduction. And I like the socks.

那麼,首先,非常感謝你,傑克,真的很親切的介紹。 我喜歡那襪子。

I also want to thank you and Rose and Tatiana and your dad for sharing Caroline with us the past few years as America’s ambassador to Japan.

我還要感謝你,羅斯和塔蒂亞娜和你爸,在過去的幾年中, 作為美國駐日本大使,與我們分享卡羅琳。

Caroline, you, true to form, did your country proud, and I’m sure your father and mom would have been proudest of all. I sure was proud, and I’m grateful for your friendship.

卡羅琳,你,真實的形式,你的國家感到自豪嗎, 我相信你的父親和媽媽會是最驕傲的。我很自豪, 我很感謝你的友誼。

I want to thank Ken Feinberg for his service as chairman of the John F. Kennedy Library Foundation these past 12 years. He also rendered outstanding service to my administration when we were dealing with the BP oil spill, 9/11. He has rendered public service again and again and again. We’re very grateful for him.

過去12年來,我衷心感謝Ken Feinberg先生約翰·肯尼迪大學圖書館基金會主席的貢獻。 當我們處理BP漏油事件及9/11時, 他也向我的行政部門一次又一次地提供了出色的公共服務。 我們非常感謝他。

It is wonderful — it is wonderful to see Senators Markey and Senator Warren; my dear friend and former governor, Deval Patrick, and his lovely wife Diane; governors and members of Congress; Cardinal O’Malley; one of the finest secretary of states ever to represent America around the world, John Kerry, and Theresa; and the best vice president this country has ever known, Mr. Joe Biden.

這十分棒 — 能看到參議員馬奎和參議員沃倫是一件很美好的事, 我親愛的朋友和前總督德瓦爾·帕特里克和他可愛的老婆黛安娜 ; 州長和國會議員;奧馬利樞機主教, 有史以來美國最具代表性的國務卿約翰·克里和特蕾莎; 和曾經被譽為這個國家的最好的副總統拜登先生。

I also want to thank Michelle Obama for after the presidency sticking with me because I think she felt an obligation to the country to stay on. But once her official duties were over, it wasn’t clear. I love my wife. And I’m grateful for her. And I do believe that it was America’s great good fortune to have her as first lady.

我也想感謝米歇爾奧巴馬繼續在我卸擔任總統職務後留下來陪伴我, 因為我認為她仍感到對國家的義務。但是一旦她的公務就結束了, 那還是不清楚。我愛我的妻子。我很感激她。 而且我確實認為讓她成為第一位女士是美國的好運氣。

So I am humbled by this evening and to be honored by a family that has given this country so much, a family that’s challenged us to ask what we can do for our country, to dream and say why not, a secret cause that endures and to sail against the wind in its pursuit.

所以我為今天晚上感到謙遜,為給這個國家這麼多的家庭感到榮幸, 一個家庭對我們提出質疑,詢問我們能為國家做些什麼, 造夢或是說為什麼不能,持續地秘密地忍耐著,在風中行航追尋夢想 。

That’s what this family has done for America. And to all the members of the Kennedy family that are here tonight, thank you.

這是這家庭為美國所做的事。 給今天晚上在這裡的肯尼迪家庭的所有成員,表示謝謝。

I could not be more grateful to the Profile in Courage Award Committee for this honor. I’m also grateful that, unlike the Nobel Prize Committee, you waited until I was out of office.

我不能更加感謝Profile in Courage獎委員會給我這個榮譽。我也非常感謝, 不像諾貝爾獎委員會,你在我離開辦公室後仍等著我。

How fitting that we gather here this month, the 100th anniversary of President Kennedy’s birth. I was born the year he took office, which makes me 55 years old. Had he lived to finish two terms, he would have been just 51. And he remarked on that possibility once. “It has been suggested,” he said, “that whether I serve one or two terms in the presidency, I will find myself at the end of that period at what might be called the awkward age, too old to begin a career and too young to write my memoirs.”

本月,肯尼迪總統出生誕辰100週年,我們的聚會真是恰到好處。 我出生在他上任的那一年,這是我55歲以前。 如果他能完成兩個任期,他才只是51歲。他曾說過這個可能性。 “有人建議,”他說,“無論我在總統職位上任職一或兩年, 我會在這段結束時期找到自己,這個期間可能被稱為尷尬的年齡, 年老得不能開始一個職業,年輕得不能撰寫回我的憶錄。“

Now, I hadn’t seen this quote when I wrote my first memoir at 33. I’m now in the middle of my second. Moreover, I expect to be busy if not with a second career then at least a second act. But it is true that I’m at the age, at that turn in the road, where one looks back as well as forward to remember one — where one has been, so it’s better to chart where one is going.

現在,當我在33歲時寫下我的第一本回憶錄時, 我沒有看到這個名句。我現在在寫我的第二本回憶錄。此外, 我希望我會十分忙碌,即使不是因為第二事業, 那麼至少是為第二序幕。但是,是真的,我正處於這個時代, 在這條分叉路上,一個人回頭看,及一個人緊記著並前進, 所以最好是把一個人去向製成圖表。

And one thing I’m certain is that I was lucky to be born into that new frontier, a new world, and a new generation of Americans. My life in many ways would not have been possible without the vision that John F. Kennedy etched into the character and hearts of America.

有一件事我是什分肯定的,我很幸運地誕生在新的疆界, 新的世界和新一代的美國人的出現。如果沒有約翰·肯尼迪(Joh n F. Kennedy)的願景以刻畫成美國人物和心靈, 我的生活在許多方面是不可能的。

To those of us of a certain age, the Kennedys symbolized a set of values and attitudes about civic life that made it such an attractive calling. The idea that politics in fact could be a noble and worthwhile pursuit. The notion that our problems, while significant, are never insurmountable.

對於我們這個年齡段的人來說, 肯尼迪象徵著一套關於公民生活的價值觀和態度, 使其成為一個富吸引力的呼喚。 這理念事實上使政治可成為一種崇高而值得追求的東西。 我們的問題雖然很重要,但永遠不可逾越這概念。

The belief that America’s promise might embrace those who had once been locked out or left behind and that opportunity and dignity would no longer be restricted to the few but extended to the many.

美國承諾的信念,可能會接受那些曾被鎖定或遺留下來的人, 機會和尊嚴不再局限於少數人,而是延伸到許多人身上。

The responsibility that each of us have to play a part in our nation’s destiny, and by virtue of being Americans, play a part in the destiny of the world.
I can see truthfully that the example of Jack and Bobby Kennedy helped guide me into politics and that the guidance of Teddy Kennedy made me a better public servant once I arrived in Washington.

我們每個人都有責任在我們國家的命運中發揮作用, 並且由於是美國人,在世界的命運中發揮作用。我可以真實地看到, 傑克和肯比迪博士的例子幫助我引導我進入政治,泰迪· 肯尼迪的指導給我抵達華盛頓後,使我成為一名更好的公務員。

I have to imagine it would give them great pride to see a new generation of Kennedys, like Joe, carving their own proud paths in public service.

我不得不想像,這將使他們很自豪能看到肯尼迪的新一代,像喬, 在公共服務中刻劃出自己驕傲的道路。

For whatever reasons I receive this award, whatever the scale, the challenges that we overcame, and the scope of progress we made over my presidency, it is worth pointing out that in many ways the times that President Kennedy confronted were far more perilous than the ones that we confront today.

無論因何種原因我得到這獎項,無論規模多大, 無論有多少挑戰要克服,以及無論我擔任總統職位的進度如何, 值得指出的是, 肯尼迪總統面對的時代在很多方面比我們今天面對的艱鉅。

He entered the Oval Office at just 43, only a few years after Khrushchev had threatened to bury America. Wars raged around the world. Large swaths of the country knew poverty far deeper and more widespread than we see today. A young preacher’s cause was just gaining traction against a land segregated not only by custom but by law.

他只是43歲使進入了橢圓形辦公室, 是在赫魯曉夫威脅要埋葬美國之後的幾年。戰爭肆虐世界各地。 全國各地的貧困狀況都比我們今天看到的更深刻更廣泛。 一個年輕的傳道人的事業正獲牽引力,土地劃分不僅僅按照習俗, 也按照法律。

And yet in that volatile tinderbox of a time, President Kennedy led with a steady hand, diffusing the most perilous moment of the cold war without firing a single shot and forcing the rights of young black men and women to study at the university of their choice. Unleashing a corps of young volunteers as ambassadors for peace in distant corners of the globe. Setting America’s sights on the moon precisely because it was hard, unwilling to consider the possibility that we might not win the space race because he had an unwavering faith in the character of the people that he led: resilient, optimistic, innovative, and courageous.

而在這個不穩定的時刻裡,肯尼迪總統穩定地領導, 傳播了最危險的冷戰時刻,而不是單槍匹馬,強迫推行權利, 使年輕黑人男女的能在他們選擇的大學學習。釋放一隊年輕志願者, 使他們成為在全球遙遠的角落的和平大使。 讓美國的目光瞄準了月球,那是十分困難, 但他不願考慮我們將示能贏得太空競賽的可能性, 因為他堅定地信仰他所領導的人民的品格:順應力強,樂觀, 創新和勇氣。

It’s worth remembering this, the times in which President Kennedy led us, because for many Americans I know that this feels like an uncertain and even perilous time. The forces of globalization and technology have upended many of our established assumptions about the economy. It provided a great opportunity and also a great inequality and uncertainty for far too many. Our politics remains filled with division and discord, and everywhere we see the risk of falling into the refuge of tribe and clan and anger at those who don’t look like us or have the same surnames or pray the way we do.

值得記住的是,肯尼迪總統領導我們的時代, 因為對許多美國人來說, 我知道這感覺像一個不確定甚至危險的時間。 全球化和技術力量已經顛覆我們對經濟許多的假設。 它提供了一個很大的機會, 也是一個很大的不平等和不確定性給太多人。 我們的政治仍然充斥著分裂和不和, 所有的地方充滿著被落入為難民,部族或氏族的風險, 充滿著對與我們看起來不一樣或擁有不相同姓氏以致用不同方式禱告 的人的憤怒。

And at such moments, courage is necessary. At such moments, we need courage to stand up to hate not just in others but in ourselves. At such moments, we need the courage to stand up to dogma not just in others but in ourselves. At such moments, we need courage to believe that together we can tackle big challenges like inequality and climate change. At such moments, it’s necessary for us to show courage in challenging the status quo and in fighting the good fight but also show the courage to listen to one another and seek common ground and embrace principled compromise courage, President Kennedy knew, requires something more than just the absence of fear. Any fool can be fearless. Courage, true courage, derives from that sense of who we are, what are our best selves, what are our most important commitments, and the belief that we can dig deep and do hard things for the enduring benefit of others.

在這樣的時刻,勇氣是必要的。在這樣的時刻, 我們需要勇氣去討厭,不只對於別人,也對於我們自己。 在這樣的時刻,我們需要勇氣去習慣,不只對於別人, 也對於我們自己。在這樣的時刻,我們需要勇氣去相信, 我們可以一起解決不平等和氣候變化等巨大挑戰。在這樣的時刻, 我們必須表現出勇​​氣挑戰現狀,打一場好杖,同時也表現出勇於 傾聽彼此擁抱原則妥協的勇氣,肯尼迪總統知道, 勇氣需要的不僅僅是去除恐懼。任何傻瓜都可以無所畏懼。勇氣, 真正的勇氣源自於我們是誰,最好的我們是怎樣的, 我們最重要的承諾是什麼,我們相信我們可以深入挖掘, 為了別人的持久利益而做艱苦的事情。

And that’s why JFK’s first inaugural still rings true. That’s why Bobby’s campaign still means so much. That’s why Teddy’s cause endures and we still love him so much.

這就是為什麼JFK的第一次就職的鐘聲仍然響亮。 這就是為什麼鮑比的競選仍然意義重大。 這就是為什麼泰迪的慈善事業仍繼續,我們還是很愛他。

Because of the tragedies that befell each of them, sometimes we forget how fundamentally the story they told us about ourselves changed the trajectory of America. And that’s often where courage begins, with the story we tell ourselves about who we are and what’s important and about our own capacity to make a difference.

由於每個人的悲劇,有時我們忘記了,故事事的根本就是, 我們自己改變了美國的軌跡。而那就是勇氣開始的時候, 關於我們的故事,告訴我們是誰,我們的重要性及我們的能力,都 足以改變世界。

We live in a time of great cynicism about our institutions. That’s one of the few things that Democrats and Republicans can agree on. It’s a cynicism that’s most corrosive when it comes to our system of self-government, that clouds our history of jagged, sometimes tentative but ultimately forward progress, that impedes our children’s ability to see in the noisy and often too trivial pursuits of politics the possibility of our democracy doing big things.

我們生活在一個對我們的政府機構冷嘲熱諷的時代。 這是民主黨和共和黨人所同意的少數事情之一。 冷嘲熱諷是源於我們的自治及政府體制的腐敗,鋸齒狀歷史的陰霾, 有時是暫時性的,但是最終仍往前推進,這阻礙了我們的孩子看到, 即使在吵鬧的和經常地政太瑣碎的治追求裡, 我們的民主仍有一番大作為的可能性。

Of course, disdain for elected officials is not new, as many of you in the room can tell others. 60 years ago President Kennedy quoted a columnist in “Profiles in Courage” who had written, “People don’t give a damn what the average senator or congressman says. The reason they don’t care is that they know what you hear in Congress is 99 percent tripe, ignorance, and demagoguery and not to be relied upon.

當然,對民選官員的鄙視並不是新鮮事,房間裡的許多人都會說。 肯尼迪總統在六十年前引用“勇氣人物”內的專欄作家,他寫道:“ 人們完全才不在乎平庸參議員或國會議員說些什麼, 他們不在乎的原因是他們知道你在國會上聽到99%愚昧, 無知和褻瀆,完全不能依賴。

“Which is perhaps a little harsh. 99 percent seems high. 85? But President Kennedy also wrote that “the complication of public business and the competition for the public’s attention have obscured innumerable acts of political courage, large and small, performed almost daily.”

“這可能有點苛刻,99%似乎很高,85 可以嗎? “ 但是肯尼迪總統也寫道:”公共事業的複雜化和公眾的注意力的競爭 使無數的大大小小的政治勇氣變得模糊,幾乎每天都出現。”

Innumerable acts of political courage large and small performed almost daily. And that is true. I’ve seen it. I’ve witnessed it.

無數的大小政治勇氣行為幾乎每天都出現。這是真的。我看到了它。 我見證了它。

I’ve been thinking on this notion of political courage this weekend, in particular about some of the men and women who were elected to Congress the same year I was elected to the White House. Many of them were new to Washington, their entire careers ahead of them. And in that very first term, they had to take tough vote after tough vote because we were in crisis.

本週末,我一直在思考這個政治勇氣的概念, 特別是當時同年投票並使我進入國會, 並入主白宮的一些當選的男女老少。 他們中的許多人都不太認識華盛頓, 他們的整個職業生涯就在他們的面前。在這最首個任期內, 由於我們處於危機之中, 他們在不得投了艱辛的一票後再投艱難第二票。

They took votes to save the financial system and the economy, even when it was highly unpopular. They took votes to save the auto industry when even in Michigan people didn’t want to see bailouts. They took votes to crack down on abuses on Wall Street, despite pressure from lobbyists and sometimes their donors.

即使非常不受歡迎,他們也投票選擇挽救金融體系和經濟。 即使在密歇根州的人們也不希望看到救助, 他們仍拿了票來挽救汽車行業。 儘管有來自說客及有時其捐助者的壓力, 他們還是投票推倒華爾街的陋習。

And they found themselves in the midst of a great debate, a debate that had been going on for decades, a debate that the Kennedy family had participated in and helped lead: a debate about whether a nation as wealthy as the United States of America would finally make healthcare not a privilege but a right for all Americans.

同時他們發現自己正在進行一場偉大的辯論中, 一場幾十年來一直在進行的辯論, 肯尼迪家庭參與並幫助領導的辯論: 關於一個像美利堅合眾國這樣富裕的國家是否會對有爭議的使醫療保 障並最終使它不再是一個特權,而是所有美國人的權利。

And there was a reason why healthcare reform had not been accomplished before. It was hard. It involved a sixth of the economy and all manner of stakeholders and interests. It was easily subject to misinformation and fearmongering.

同時醫療改革之前還沒有完成的原因。那個挺難的。 它涉及六分之一的經濟活動和各種持份者及其利益。 那很容易受到錯誤的信息和恐懼所困擾。

And so by the time the vote came up to pass the Affordable Care Act, these freshmen congressmen and women knew that they had to make a choice. That they had a chance to insure millions and prevent untold worry and suffering and bankruptcy, and even death, but that this same vote would likely cost them their new seats, perhaps end their political careers.

並且所以在投票通過“經濟適用法”之後, 這些新生的國會議員和婦女都知道他們必須作出選擇。 他們有機會為數百萬人提供保險, 並防止無法忍受的痛苦及破產甚至死亡, 但是同樣的票也許會使他們獲得新的席位, 也許會結束他們的政治生涯。

And these men and women did the right thing. They did the hard thing. Theirs was a profile in courage. Because of that vote, 20 million people got health insurance who didn’t have it before.

還有這些男女老少都做了正確的事情。他們做了艱難的事情。 他們的形像就是勇氣。由於這次投票,有2000萬人獲得了健康保 險,他們之前沒有取得過。

And most of them — and most of them did lose their seats, but they were true to what President Kennedy defined in his book as a congressional profile in courage: the desire to maintain a reputation for integrity that is stronger than the desire to maintain office, the desire to maintain a reputation for integrity that is stronger than a desire to maintain office, a conscience, personal standard of ethics, integrity, morality that is stronger than the pressures of public disapproval or party disapproval, a faith that the right course would ultimately be vindicated, a faith that overcame fear of public reprisal.

再者他們中的大多數人 – 大多數人曾失去了自己的席位, 但他們確實如肯尼迪總統在他的書中定義為國會議員的勇氣: 希望保持誠信的聲譽比維持辦公室的意慾更強,良心,道德準則, 誠信道德的要強於公眾反對或政黨的反對壓力, 正確行為的信念最終得到維護,那信念更克服公眾劫掠的恐懼。

It was a personal sacrifice. But I know, because I’ve spoken to many of them, that they thought and still think it was worth it.

這是個人的犧牲。但是我知道,因為我已經和許多人說過, 他們認為,仍然認為這是值得的。

As everyone here now knows, this great debate is not settled but continues. And it is my fervent hope and the hope of millions that regardless of party, such courage is still possible, that today’s members of Congress, regardless of party, are willing to look at the facts and speak the truth even when it contradicts party positions.

正如現在所有人都知道的,這個偉大的辯論並沒有解決, 而是繼續下去。這是我的熱切希望和數百萬人的希望, 無論政黨如何,這種勇氣仍然是有可能的,今天的國會議員, 無論政黨是否願意看見事實,說實話, 即使它與政黨的立場有所矛盾。

I hope that current members of Congress recall that it actually doesn’t take a lot of courage to aid those who are already powerful, already comfortable, already influential. But it does require some courage to champion the vulnerable and the sick and the infirm, those who often have no access to the corridors of power.

我希望現在的國會議員記得, 實際上並不需要很多勇氣才能幫助那些已經很強大,已經很舒服, 已經有影響力的人。但它確實需要一些勇氣來支持弱勢群體, 病人和體弱者,那些經常無法進入權力走廊的人。

I hope they understand that courage means not simply doing what is politically expedient but doing what they believe deep in their hearts is right. And this kind of courage is required from all of us. Those of us who consider ourselves progressives, those of us who are Democrats, we’ve got some soul-searching to do to see what kind of coverage we show. We have our own dogmas.
Those of us not in elected office have to show some courage. And we’re prone to bestow the mantel of courage too easily on the prominent and the powerful and then too eager to wrap ourselves in cynicism when they let us down because they weren’t perfect.

我希望他們明白,勇氣意味著不要簡單地做政治上有利的東西, 而是在自己內心深處內做認為是對的東西。 而我們所有人都需要這種勇氣。 我們這些人是認為自己是追求進步的人,我們這些人是民主黨人, 我們有些在自我反省,在看自己展示著什麼樣的覆蓋面。 我們有自己的教條。那些不在民選局的人必須表現出一些勇氣。 而我們傾向賜予勇氣的壁壘,太輕易變得卓越和強大, 太熱衷於嘲弄自己,然後當他們讓我們失望,因為他們不是完美。

We lose sight sometimes of our own obligations, each of ours, all the quiet acts of courage that unfold around us every single day, ordinary Americans who give something of themselves not for personal gain but for the enduring benefit of another. The courage of a single mom who is working two jobs to make sure her kid can go to college. The courage of a small business owner who’s keeping folks on the payroll because he knows the family relies on it, even if it’s not always the right thing to do bottom line. The courage of somebody who volunteers to help some kids who need help.

我們有時候會忽視我們自己的義務,我們每一個人, 每一天平靜地展現出我們所有勇氣,普通的美國人, 他們自己不是為了個人利益,而是為了持續其他人的利益。 一個做兩份工作的單身媽媽的勇氣,是以確保她的孩子可以上大學。 一個小企業老闆的勇氣,因為他知道家庭都依賴著所提供的工作, 所以他們一直持續給予工資,即使這樣底線做做法並不總是正確的。 志願者以幫助一些有需要 幫助孩子的勇氣。

When we recognize these acts of courage, we then necessarily recognize our own responsibility as citizens and as part of the human family to get involved and to get engaged and to take a stand, to vote, to pay attention.

當我們承認這些勇氣的行為時, 我們必然承認我們自己作為公民的責任,作為人類家庭的一部分, 參與和投入,採取立場,投票,並注意。

I’m reminded of a story that Teddy once told me about his experiences many years ago when Teddy, Junior, now state Senator Ted Kennedy, Junior, was sleeping after one of his cancer treatments.

我想起了一個故事,泰迪曾經告訴過我他多年前的經歷, 當時小泰迪,現在,參議員小泰德肯尼迪, 在他的癌症治療之後入睡了。

And Ted would wander the halls of the hospital and talk with other parents, keeping vigil over their own children. These parents lived in constant fear of what might happen if they couldn’t afford the next treatment. Some calculating in their own minds what they might have to sell or borrow just to make it for a few more months, some bargaining with God for whatever they could get.

泰德將游盪醫院的大廳,與其他家長談話,保持監視他們的孩子。 這些父母不斷承受著如果不能承受下一次治療就會會發生什麼的恐懼 。有些人在自己的腦海裡計算出他們可能要賣甚麼, 只是為了再支持多幾個月的時間,有些人在和上帝談談, 只是為了再看看他們能否得到什麼。

And right there in the quiet of night, working people of modest means and one of the most powerful men in America shared the same intimate and immediate sense of helplessness.

而在安靜的夜晚之中, 適度的手段的工人及和美國其中一位最強大的男子, 同樣的分享著相同親密和急切的無助感。

And Ted could, of course, afford his son’s treatment. But it was that quiet dignified courage of others to endure the most frightening thing imaginable and to do what it takes on behalf of their loved ones that compelled Teddy to make those parents his cause, not out of self-interest but out of a selfless concern for those who suffer.

而泰德當然可以負擔兒子的治療。但是, 其他人有尊嚴的勇氣平靜地忍可想像的受最可怕的事及盡一切努力代 表他們的親人做任何事,這感動了泰迪給那些父母的捐款, 那不是為了個人利益,而是對於那些受苦的人無私的關心

That’s what the ordinary courage of everyday people can inspire when you’re paying attention, the quiet sturdy courage of ordinary people doing the right thing day in and day out. They don’t get attention for it. They don’t seek it. They don’t get awards for it. But that’s what’s defined America.

這就是日常人的基本勇氣,當你留意的,它能夠激發人心, 普通人平靜堅強的勇氣,每天日復日都在做正確的事情。 他們沒有得到關注。他們並不尋求關注。他們沒有因而得到獎勵。 但這就是美國的定義。

I think of women like my grandmother and so many like her who worked their way up from a secretarial pool to management and in the process pushed the glass ceiling just a little bit higher.

我想起了像我祖母這樣的女人,很多人像她一樣, 從秘書級做到管理層的工作,在這個過程中, 把把团体中对某些群體(如女性、少数族裔) 晋升到高级职位或決策層的潜在限制或障天花推上一點點。

I think about people like Michelle’s dad who, despite MS, got up every single morning. Had to wake up an hour early to button his shirt up and put on his clothes and take those two canes he used and go to work every single day to make sure that he was supporting his family, not missing a dance recital or a basketball game.

我想像米歇爾的爸爸,每天都早起。不得不提早一小時醒來, 把襯衫放上衣服,拿走他使用的兩枝手杖,每天上班, 以確保他能支援家人,不會錯過舞蹈表演或籃球比賽。

I think of the troops and the cops and the first responders that I’ve met who have put themselves at risk for strangers they will never know. And business owners who make every kind of sacrifice they can to make sure that their workers have a shot. And workers who take the risk of starting a new career, retraining at my age. Kids in the Peace Corps working to build bridges of understanding in other nations and spread the same values that helped bring down an iron curtain, banish the scourge of apartheid, expand the boundaries of human freedom.

我想到了部隊和警察以及所遇到的第一反應者, 他們弓承擔不認識陌生人的風險。和企業者做出各種犧牲, 以確保工人的工作機會。而那些冒著風險開創新事業的人, 與我年紀相約。和平隊的孩子們努力在其他國家建立橋樑以理解, 傳播同樣的價值觀,幫助遏制了鐵幕,消除種族隔離的禍患, 擴大了人的自由界限。

I think of dreamers who suppress their fears to keep working and striving in the only country they’ve ever called home. And every American who stands up for immigrants because they know that their parents or grandparents or great grandparents were immigrants too, and they know that America is an idea that only grows stronger with each new person who adopts our common creed.

我想到了夢想家們,他們壓制自己的恐懼,繼續努力, 在他們唯一的國家,未曾至電回家。 每個美國人因為知道他們是代表著移民而, 他們的父母或祖父母或祖父母也代曾是移民, 因為他們知道美國獲有的想法是,新人成長得更強壯, 因為他們每一個都接受我們共同信條。

I think of every young activist who answers the injustices still embedded in our criminal justice system not with violence, not with despair, but with peaceful protests and analysis and constructive recommendations for change.

我想到每一個年輕的運動主義份子,他們都不是以暴力, 而不是絕望地回答我們的刑事司法制度中的不公正, 而是以和平的抗議和分析,以及建設性的建議來推展改革。

I think of the powerless who crossed a bridge in Selma and discovered they had power. Those who gathered at Stonewall and discovered they had a voice. Those who marched on Washington because they believed that they, without an army, without great wealth, could somehow change the very fabric of the greatest power on earth and kept on until they stretched the lofty ideals of our founding to encircle everyone.

我想到那者無權者在塞爾瑪過橋時, 因而發現他們也有權力。那些聚集在石牆上的人, 因而發現他們也有聲音。那些在華盛頓遊行的人,因為他們相信, 即使沒有軍隊,即使沒有財富, 也可以以某種方式改變地球上最偉大力量的結構,一直堅持下去, 直到我們能建立起崇高理想,來包圍每一個人。

Every citizen inspired by that history who dips their toes in the water of active democracy for the first time and musters up the determination to try and fail and try again, and sometimes fail again and still try again, knowing their efforts aren’t always rewarded right away, because they believe in that upward trajectory of the American story, a story that nobody told better than John F. Kennedy.

每一位受到歷史啟發的公民,首次在積極民主的水面上踩下腳步, 並召集失敗的決心,再次嘗試,有時候再次失敗, 認識到他們的努力並不總是立即得到回報, 因為他們相信美國故事向上的軌跡,一個沒有人比約翰· 肯尼迪說得更好的故事。

That very Kennedyesque idea that America is not the project of any one person and that each of us can make a difference and all of us ought to try. That quiet sturdy citizenship that I see all across the country and that I especially see in young people like Jack and Rose and Tatiana, Malia and Sasha, and your kids.

那個非常肯尼迪的構思,美國不是任何一個人的項目, 我們每個人都可以改變它,我們所有人都應該嘗試。 那個我在全國各地看到的安靜堅固的公民身分,我特別從傑克, 羅斯,塔蒂亞娜,馬利亞和薩沙, 和你的孩子這樣的年輕人身上看到。

I don’t know whether President Kennedy’s aide and friend, historian Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., was right when he wrote that history unfolds in cycles, but I do know that it doesn’t move in a straight line.

我不知道肯尼迪總統的助手和朋友史蒂夫·施萊辛格(Arthur Schlesinger,Jr.)所寫的是正確的: 歷史是循序且漸進的,但我知道這不是直線地前進的。

I know that the values and the progress that we cherish are not inevitable, that they are fragile, in need of constant renewal.

我知道我們所珍惜的價值觀和進步並不是必然的,它們是脆弱的, 需要不斷的更新。

I’ve said before that I believe what
Dr. King said, that “the arc of the moral universe is long but it bends toward justice,” but I’ve also said it does not bend on its own. It bends because we bend it, because we put our hand on that arch, and we move it in the direction of justice and freedom and equality and kindness and generosity. It doesn’t happen on its own.

我之前說過,我相信金博士所說:“道德宇宙的弧度是長的, 但它曲向正義”,但我也說它本來並不是彎曲的。它彎曲, 因為我們把它弄曲,因為我們把手放在這個拱門上, 我們把它移到正義和自由,平等,善良和慷慨的方向。 它不會自然地發生的。

And so we are constantly having to make a choice because progress is fragile. And it’s precisely that fragility, that impermanence, that is a precondition of the quality of character that we celebrate tonight.

所以我們不斷做出選擇,因為進步是脆弱的。正恰恰是如此脆弱 ,是如此無常,那因此而成為我們今晚慶祝的品格質量的先決條件。

If the vitality of our democracy, if the gains of our long journey to freedom were assured, none of us would ever have to be courageous. None of us would have to risk anything to protect them. But it’s in its very precariousness that courage becomes possible and absolutely necessary.

如果我們民主的活力,如果我們在漫長的自由之旅的得著, 能得到保證,我們就不會如此勇敢。 我們就不會不惜風險來保護他們。但是,這處於不穩定之中, 勇氣是可能性更是絕對必要性。

John F. Kennedy knew that our best hope and our most powerful answer to our doubts and to our fears lies inside each of us, in our willingness to joyfully embrace our responsibility as citizens, to stay true to our allegiance, to our highest and best ideals, to maintain our regard and concern for the poor and the aging and the marginalized, to put our personal or party interest aside when duty to our country calls or when conscience demands.

約翰·肯尼迪知道, 我們最大的希望和我們最有力的答案就是我們的懷疑及我們恐懼彌漫 在我們當中,我們願意快樂地擁抱我們作為公民的責任, 堅持我們的忠誠,追求最高和最好的理想, 維護我們對窮人和老齡化和邊緣化群體的問侯和關心, 把我們的個人或政黨的利益放在我們國家的責任之上, 或者在良心要求的時候。

That’s the spirit that has brought America so far and that’s the spirit that will always carry us to better days.


And I take this honor that you have bestowed on me here tonight as a reminder that, even out of office, I must do all that I can to advance the spirit of service that John F. Kennedy represents.

我今天晚上在這裡得到這個榮譽,提醒我,即使離開辦公室, 我也必須竭盡全力推進約翰·肯尼迪所代表的服務精神。

Thank you all very much. May God bless you. May he bless these United States of America. Thank you.



Announces Presidential Exploratory Committee (2007 宣佈成立總統考察委員會)

Announces Presidential Exploratory Committee

[English Transcript from http://www.americanrhetoric.com]
[Chinese Translation from utalam]

As many of you know, over the last few months I’ve been thinking hard about my plans for 2008. Running for the presidency is a profound decision — a decision no one should make on the basis of media hype or personal ambition alone — and so before I committed myself and my family to this race, I wanted to be sure that this was right for us and, more importantly, right for the country.
很多人知道,在過去幾個月裡,我一直在思考我2008年的計劃。競選總統職務是需要深思熟慮的決定 – 一個決定,一個不應在媒體炒作或個人野心的基礎上而作出的決定 – 因此,在我和自己和我的家人參加這場競選之前,我想確保這對我們是正確的,更重要的是對國家是正確的。
I certainly didn’t expect to find myself in this position a year ago. But as I’ve spoken to many of you in my travels across the states these past months, as I’ve read your emails and read your letters, I’ve been struck by how hungry we all are for a different kind of politics. So I’ve spent some time thinking about how I could best advance the cause of change and progress that we so desperately need.
The decisions that have been made in Washington these past six years, and the problems that have been ignored, have put our country in a precarious place. Our economy is changing rapidly, and that means profound changes for working people. Many of you have shared with me your stories about skyrocketing health care bills, the pensions you’ve lost and your struggles to pay for college for your kids. Our continued dependence on oil has put our security and our very planet at risk. And we’re still mired in a tragic and costly war that should have never been waged.
But challenging as they are, it’s not the magnitude of our problems that concerns me the most. It’s the smallness of our politics. America’s faced big problems before. But today, our leaders in Washington seem incapable of working together in a practical, common sense way. Politics has become so bitter and partisan, so gummed up by money and influence, that we can’t tackle the big problems that demand solutions. And that’s what we have to change first. We have to change our politics, and come together around our common interests and concerns as Americans.
This won’t happen by itself. A change in our politics can only come from you — from people across our country who believe there’s a better way and are willing to work for it. Years ago, as a community organizer in Chicago, I learned that meaningful change always begins at the grassroots, and that engaged citizens working together can accomplish extraordinary things. So even in the midst of the enormous challenges we face today, I have great faith and hope about the future — because I believe in you.
這本身自己是不會發生。我們政治上的變化只能從你們出發 – 我們全國人民相信有更好的辦法,願意為之而努力。幾年前,作為芝加哥的社區組織者,我了解到有意義的變化總是從基層開始,而那些從事公民合作的人可以做到非凡的事情。所以即使在今天面臨的巨大挑戰中,我對未來也有著極大的信心和希望 – 因為我相信你。
And that’s why I wanted to tell you first that I’ll be filing papers today to create a presidential exploratory committee. For the next several weeks, I’m going to talk with people from around the country, listening and learning more about the challenges we face as a nation, the opportunities that lie before us, and the role that a presidential campaign might play in bringing our country together. And on February 10th, at the end of these discussions and in my home state of Illinois, I’ll share my plans with my friends, neighbors, and fellow Americans.
In the meantime, I want to thank all of you for your time, your suggestions, your encouragement, and your prayers. And I look forward to continuing our conversation in the weeks and months to come.

Senator Barack Obama – 2005 Knox College Commencement (2005年奧巴馬諾克斯學院畢業致詞)


[Image from http://speakola.com]
[English Transcript from http://www.americanrhetoric.com]
[Chinese Translation from utalam]

Good morning President Taylor, Board of Trustees, faculty, parents, family, friends, the community of Galesburg, the class of 1955 — which I understand was out partying last night, and yet still showed up here on time — and most of all, the Class of 2005. Congratulations on your graduation, and thank you — thank you for the honor of allowing me to be a part of it. Thank you also, Mr. President, for this honorary degree. It was only a couple of years ago that I stopped paying my student loans in law school. Had I known it was this easy, I would have ran [sic] for the United States Senate earlier.
早晨,泰勒主席,董事會董事,教師,家長,家人,朋友,加爾斯堡社區,1955年的班級 — 我明白昨天大部分的2005年的畢業同學,晚上才出席派對,但仍然按時出現在這裡。祝賀你終於畢業了,並感謝你 – 謝謝你,允許我榮幸地成為你的一分子。主席先生,為了這個榮譽學位感謝你。只是在幾年前,我才停止支付法學院的學生貸款。如果我知道能如此輕易,那我就提早參選美國參議院了。
You know, it has been about six months now since you sent me to Washington as your United States Senator. I recognize that not all of you voted for me, so for those of you muttering under your breath “I didn’t send you anywhere,” that’s ok too. Maybe we’ll hold — What do you call it? — a little Pumphandle after the ceremony. Change your mind for the next time.
你知道,自從六個月前,你把我送到華盛頓成為你的美國參議員。我認識到你們並不是所有的人都投票給我,所以即使你口中喃喃自語地說 “我沒有投票以送你到任何地方”,也沒關係。也許我們仍會堅持 — 你這些叫什麼呢?— 儀式後的“大力握手”。下次請改變主意吧。
It has been a fascinating journey thus far. Each time I walk onto the Senate floor, I’m reminded of the history, for good and for ill, that has been made there. But there have been a few surreal moments. For example, I remember the day before I was sworn in, myself and my staff, we decided to hold a press conference in our office. Now, keep in mind that I am ranked 99th in seniority. I was proud that I wasn’t ranked dead last until I found out that it’s just because Illinois is bigger than Colorado. So I’m 99th in seniority, and all the reporters are crammed into the tiny transition office that I have, which is right next to the janitor’s closet in the basement of the Dirksen Office Building. It’s my first day in the building, I have not taken a single vote, I have not introduced one bill, had not even sat down in my desk, and this very earnest reporter raises his hand and says: “Senator Obama, what is your place in history?”
I did what you just did, which is laugh out loud. I said, “place in history?” I thought he was kidding. At that point, I wasn’t even sure the other Senators would save a place for me at the cool kids’ table.
But as I was thinking about the words to share with this class, about what’s next, about what’s possible, and what opportunities lay ahead, I actually think it’s not a bad question for you, the class of 2005, to ask yourselves: What will be your place in history?
但是,就如我正在考慮今天分享一些什麼題目時,是關於將來的可能性,以及未來的機遇,我實際上認為,這對你 2005 年畢業生並不是一個壞的問題 :你在歷史上的位置是什麼?
In other eras, across distant lands, this question could be answered with relative ease and certainty. As a servant in Rome, you knew you’d spend your life forced to build somebody else’s Empire. As a peasant in 11th Century China, you knew that no matter how hard you worked, the local warlord might come and take everything you had — and you also knew that famine might come knocking at the door. As a subject of King George, you knew that your freedom of worship and your freedom to speak and to build your own life would be ultimately limited by the throne.
在以前的時代,跨越遙遠的地區,回答這個問題可能相對容易和肯定。作為羅馬的僕人,你知道你會花費你的畢身來給別人的建立帝國。作為十一世紀中國的農民,你知道無論你多努力,當地軍閥會奪去你的一切 – 你也知道飢荒會給你敲門。作為喬治王國的一個支配者,你知道崇拜自由和言論自由,以至建立自己的生活,最終都是受到王權所限制。
And then America happened.
A place where destiny was not a destination, but a journey to be shared and shaped and remade by people who had the gall, the temerity to believe that, against all odds, they could form “a more perfect union” on this new frontier.
一個命運將不是終點的地方,一個共享、塑造和重塑旅程的地方 ,給那些有膽量及強烈地相信的人,克服一切困難,給這新領域組成“更完美的聯盟” 。
And as people around the world began to hear the tale of the lowly colonists who overthrew an empire for the sake of an idea, they started to come. Across oceans and the ages, they settled in Boston and Charleston, Chicago and St. Louis, Kalamazoo and Galesburg, to try and build their own American Dream. This collective dream moved forward imperfectly — it was scarred by our treatment of native peoples, betrayed by slavery, clouded by the subjugation of women, shaken by war and depression. And yet, brick by brick, rail by rail, calloused hand by calloused hand, people kept dreaming, and building, and working, and marching, and petitioning their government, until they made America a land where the question of our place in history is not answered for us. It’s answered by us.
而隨著世界各地的人開始知道為了一個想法而推翻帝國的低調殖民者的故事,他們開始進來了。跨越海洋和時代,他們定居在波士頓和查爾斯頓,芝加哥和聖路易斯,卡拉馬祖和加爾斯堡,試圖建立自己的美國夢。這種集體夢想不完美地前進 — 被不公平對待土著所留下的傷疤,被奴隸制所背叛,被奴役的婦女所淹沒,被戰爭和抑鬱所震撼。然而,一磚又一磚的建設,一段又一段的鐵路,一雙又一雙有繭子的手,人們一直在做夢,在建設,在工作,在行軍,在向政府請愿,直到他們使美國成為一個地方,能在我們在歷史上的位置的問上,不是只給我們提供解答,而是讓我們自己尋找答案。
Have we failed at times? Absolutely. Will you occasionally fail when you embark on your own American journey? You surely will. But the test is not perfection. The true test of the American ideal is whether we’re able to recognize our failings and then rise together to meet the challenges of our time. Whether we allow ourselves to be shaped by events and history, or whether we act to shape them. Whether chance of birth or circumstance decides life’s big winners and losers, or whether we build a community where, at the very least, everyone has a chance to work hard, get ahead, and reach their dreams.
We have faced this choice before.
At the end of the Civil War, when farmers and their families began moving into the cities to work in the big factories that were sprouting up all across America, we had to decide:  Do we do nothing and allow captains of industry and robber barons to run roughshod over the economy and workers by competing to see who can pay the lowest wages at the worst working conditions? Or do we try to make the system work by setting up basic rules for the market, instituting the first public schools, busting up monopolies, letting workers organize into unions?
We chose to act, and we rose together.
When the irrational exuberance of the Roaring Twenties came crashing down with the stock market, we had to decide: do we follow the call of leaders who would do nothing, or the call of a leader who, perhaps because of his physical paralysis, refused to accept political paralysis?
We chose to act — regulating the market, putting people back to work, expanding bargaining rights to include health care and a secure retirement — and together we rose.
我們選擇行動 – 調節市場,讓人們重新開始工作,擴大議價能力,包括醫療保障和安全退休 – 讓我們一起站來吧。
When World War II required the most massive home front mobilization in history and we needed every single American to lend a hand, we had to decide: Do we listen to skeptics who told us it wasn’t possible to produce that many tanks and planes? Or, did we build Roosevelt’s Arsenal for Democracy and grow our economy even further by providing our returning heroes with a chance to go to college and own their own home?
Again, we chose to act, and again, we rose together.
Today, at the beginning of this young century, we have to decide again. But this time, it is your turn to choose.
Here in Galesburg, you know what this new challenge is. You’ve seen it. All of you, your first year in college saw what happened at 9/11. It’s already been noted, the degree to which your lives will be intertwined with the war on terrorism that currently is taking place. But what you’ve also seen, perhaps not as spectacularly, is the fact that when you drive by the old Maytag plant around lunchtime, no one walks out anymore. I saw it during the campaign when I met union guys who worked at the plant for 20, 30 years and now wonder what they’re gonna do at the age of 55 without a pension or health care; when I met the man who’s son needed a new liver but because he’d been laid off, didn’t know if he could afford to provide his child the care that he needed.
It’s as if someone changed the rules in the middle of the game and no wonder — no one bothered to tell these folks. And, in reality, the rules have changed.
就好像有人在比賽期間改變了規則,難怪 – 沒有人會告訴到這些人。而且,實際上規則已經改變了。
It started with technology and automation that rendered entire occupations obsolete. When was the last time anybody here stood in line for the bank teller instead of going to the ATM, or talked to a switchboard operator? Then it continued when companies like Maytag were able to pick up and move their factories to some under developed country where workers were a lot cheaper than they are in the United States.
技和自動化的開始,使整個職業過時。什麼時候是最後一次我們站在銀行櫃員位前,而不是去ATM ,還是和接綫生交談?那麼,當Maytag這樣的公司將能夠繼續把工廠搬到落後國家,工資比美國便宜得多。
As Tom Friedman points out in his new book, The World Is Flat, over the last decade or so, these forces — technology and globalization — have combined like never before. So that while most of us have been paying attention to how much easier technology has made our own lives — sending e-mails back and forth on our blackberries, surfing the Web on our cell phones, instant messaging with friends across the world — a quiet revolution has been breaking down barriers and connecting the world’s economies. Now business not only has the ability to move jobs wherever there’s a factory, but wherever there’s an internet connection.
正如湯姆·弗里德曼(Tom Friedman)在他的新書“世界平平”(World Is Flat)中指出的那樣,在過去的十年左右,這些力量 – 科技和全球化 – 比以往更能緊密結合。所以,雖然我們大多數人一直在關注如何科技讓自己的生活變得更容易 – 使用黑莓來回發送電子郵件,使用手機上網,與世界各地的朋友進行即時短訊 – 一場安靜的革命已經打破了障礙和聯繫世界經濟。現在,企業不僅能把工作移動到所有擁有工廠的地方,還能把工作到分派到任何有互聯網連接的地方。
Countries like India and China realized this. They understand that they no longer need to be just a source of cheap labor or cheap exports. They can compete with us on a global scale. The one resource they needed were skilled, educated workers. So they started schooling their kids earlier, longer, with a greater emphasis on math and science and technology, until their most talented students realized they don’t have to come to America to have a decent life — they can stay right where they are.
像印度和中國這樣的國家意識到這一點。他們明白,他們不再僅僅是廉價勞工或廉價出口的來源。他們可以在全球範圍內與我們競爭。他們需要的一個資源是熟練的和受過教育的工人。所以他們更早就開始對孩子們進行教育,更加重視數學和科科技的培訓,直到他們最有才華的學生意識到,他們不必來美國也可享受生活 – 他們可留在他的原居地。
The result? China is graduating four times the number of engineers that the United States is graduating. Not only are those Maytag employees competing with Chinese and Indian and Indonesian and Mexican workers, you are too. Today, accounting firms are e-mailing your tax returns to workers in India who will figure them out and send them back to you as fast as any worker in Illinois or Indiana could.
When you lose your luggage in Boston at an airport, tracking it down may involve a call to an agent in Bangalore, who will find it by making a phone call to Baltimore. Even the Associated Press has outsourced some of their jobs to writers all over the world who can send in a story at a click of a mouse.
As Prime Minister Tony Blair has said, in this new economy, “Talent is the 21st century wealth.”  If you’ve got the skills, you’ve got the education, and you have the opportunity to upgrade and improve both, you’ll be able to compete and win anywhere. If not, the fall will be further and harder than it ever was before.
正如布萊爾首相 (Tony Blair)所說,在這個新經濟體中,“人才是21世紀的財富”。如果你有技能,你已經受教育,你有機會升級和改進,你可以在任何地方進行競爭和取勝。如果沒有,你將會比以前跌得更深更痛。
So what do we do about this? How does America find its way in this new, global economy? What will our place in history be?
Like so much of the American story, once again, we face a choice. Once again, there are those who believe that there isn’t much we can do about this as a nation. That the best idea is to give everyone one big refund on their government — divvy it up by individual portions, in the form of tax breaks, hand it out, and encourage everyone to use their share to go buy their own health care, their own retirement plan, their own child care, their own education, and so on.
像很多的美國故事一樣,我們再次面對一個抉擇。再次有人認為,作為一個國家,我們可以做的不多。最好的辦法是政府給每個人一份豐厚的退稅 – 劃分為個別部分,以減稅的形式,交出來,並且鼓勵大家使用他們的份額去買自己的醫療保健計劃,自己的退休計劃,自己的育兒基金,自己的教育基金等等。
In Washington, they call this the Ownership Society. But in our past there has been another term for it — Social Darwinism — every man or woman for him or herself. It’s a tempting idea, because it doesn’t require much thought or ingenuity. It allows us to say that those whose health care or tuition may rise faster than they can afford — tough luck. It allows us to say to the Maytag workers who have lost their job — life isn’t fair. It let’s us say to the child who was born into poverty — pull yourself up by your bootstraps. And it is especially tempting because each of us believes we will always be the winner in life’s lottery, that we’re the one who will be the next Donald Trump, or at least we won’t be the chump who Donald Trump says: “You’re fired!”
在華盛頓,他們稱這為社會擁有權。但是在過去,還有一個術語 – 社會達爾文主義 – 每一個男人或女人為他或她自己。這是一個誘人的想法,因為它不需要太多的思考或創造力。它允許我們說那些醫療保健或學費可能比他們負擔得起的快得多 – 艱難的運氣。它允許我們對失去工作的Maytag工人說 – 生活是不公平的。讓我們對生下來貧窮的孩子說話 -你自己白手起家吧。而且這是都是特別吸引的,因為我們每個人都相信自己將永遠是生活彩票的贏家,那我們會是下一個唐納德·特朗普(Donald Trump),至少我們不會成為唐納德·特朗普所說的那樣 : “你被開除了!”
But there is a problem. It won’t work. It ignores our history. It ignores the fact that it’s been government research and investment that made the railways possible and the internet possible. It’s been the creation of a massive middle class, through decent wages and benefits and public schools that allowed us all to prosper. Our economic dependence depended on individual initiative. It depended on a belief in the free market; but it has also depended on our sense of mutual regard for each other, the idea that everybody has a stake in the country, that we’re all in it together and everybody’s got a shot at opportunity. That’s what’s produced our unrivaled political stability.
And so if we do nothing in the face of globalization, more people will continue to lose their health care. Fewer kids will be able to afford the diploma you’re about to receive.
More companies like United Airlines won’t be able to provide pensions for their employees. And those Maytag workers will be joined in the unemployment line by any worker whose skills can be bought and sold on the global market.
So today I’m here to tell you what most of you already know. This is not us — the option that I just mentioned. Doing nothing. It’s not how our story ends — not in this country. America is a land of big dreamers and big hopes.
所以今天我在這裡告訴你們的事,也是大多數人已經知道的事。這不是我 – 我剛剛提到的選擇。什麼也不做。這不是如何結束我們的故事- 不是在這個國家。美國是一個大夢想家和大希望的土地。
It is this hope that has sustained us through revolution and civil war, depression and world war, a struggle for civil and social rights and the brink of nuclear crisis. And it is because our dreamers dreamed that we have emerged from each challenge more united, more prosperous, and more admired than before.
So let’s dream. Instead of doing nothing or simply defending 20th century solutions, let’s imagine together what we could do to give every American a fighting chance in the 21st century.
What if we prepared every child in America with the education and skills they need to compete in the new economy?  If we made sure that college was affordable for everyone who wanted to go? If we walked up to those Maytag workers and we said “Your old job is not coming back, but a new job will be there because we’re going to seriously retrain you and there’s life-long education that’s waiting for you — the sorts of opportunities that Knox has created with the Strong Futures scholarship program.
如果我們準備好給美國的每個孩子所需要在新經濟中競爭的教育和技能?如果我們確保每人都能負擔得起這所大學?如果我們走到那些Maytag的工人身邊,並說“你的老工作不會回來,但是一個新的工作將會在那裡,因為我們要嚴格地重新訓練你,還有終身教育在等待著你- 諾克斯與強勢期貨獎學金計劃所創造的機會。
What if no matter where you worked or how many times you switched jobs, you had health care and a pension that stayed with you always, so you all had the flexibility to move to a better job or start a new business? What if instead of cutting budgets for research and development and science, we fueled the genius and the innovation that will lead to the new jobs and new industries of the future?
Right now, all across America, there are amazing discoveries being made. If we supported these discoveries on a national level, if we committed ourselves to investing in these possibilities, just imagine what it could do for a town like Galesburg. Ten or twenty years down the road, that old Maytag plant could re-open its doors as an Ethanol refinery that turned corn into fuel. Down the street, a biotechnology research lab could open up on the cusp of discovering a cure for cancer. And across the way, a new auto company could be busy churning out electric cars. The new jobs created would be filled by American workers trained with new skills and a world-class education.
All of that is possible but none of it will come easy. Every one of us is going to have to work more, read more, train more, think more. We will have to slough off some bad habits — like driving gas guzzlers that weaken our economy and feed our enemies abroad. Our children will have to turn off the TV set once in a while and put away the video games and start hitting the books. We’ll have to reform institutions, like our public schools, that were designed for an earlier time. Republicans will have to recognize our collective responsibilities, even as Democrats recognize that we have to do more than just defend old programs.
所有這一切都是可能的,但沒有一個會來得容易的。我們每個人都要工作更多,閱讀更多,訓練更多,思考更多。我們必須擺脫一些壞習慣 – 比如駕駛燃氣炮,削弱我們的經濟,把敵人送到國外。我們的孩子們必須暫時關掉電視機,放下遊戲機並開始閱讀。我們必須像以前那樣設計的公立學校般改革機構。共和黨人必須認識到我們的集體責任,即使民主黨人意識到我們要做得更多,不能只捍衛舊的方案。
It won’t be easy, but it can be done. It can be our future. We have the talent and the resources and brainpower. But now we need the political will. We need a national commitment.
And we need each of you.
Now, no one can force you to meet these challenges. If you want, it will be pretty easy for you to leave here today and not give another thought to towns like Galesburg and the challenges they face. There is no community service requirement in the real world; no one is forcing you to care. You can take your diploma, walk off this stage, and go chasing after the big house, and the nice suits, and all the other things that our money culture says that you should want, that you should aspire to, that you can buy.
But I hope you don’t walk away from the challenge. Focusing your life solely on making a buck shows a certain poverty of ambition. It asks too little of yourself. You need to take up the challenges that we face as a nation and make them your own. Not because you have a debt to those who helped you get here, although you do have that debt. Not because you have an obligation to those who are less fortunate than you, although I do think you do have that obligation. It’s primarily because you have an obligation to yourself. Because individual salvation has always depended on collective salvation. Because it’s only when you hitch your wagon to something larger than yourself that you realize your true potential.
And I know that all of you are wondering how you’ll do this, the challenges seem so big. They seem so difficult for one person to make a difference.
But we know it can be done. Because where you’re sitting, in this very place, in this town, it’s happened before.
Nearly two centuries ago, before civil rights, before voting rights, before Abraham Lincoln, before the Civil War, before all of that, America was stained by the sin of slavery. In the sweltering heat of southern plantations, men and women who looked like me could not escape the life of pain and servitude in which they were sold. And yet, year after year, as this moral cancer ate away at the American ideals of liberty and equality, the nation was silent.
But its people didn’t stay silent for long.
One by one, abolitionists emerged to tell their fellow Americans that this would not be our place in history — that this was not the America that had captured the imagination of the world.
一個接一個,廢奴主義者出現了並告訴美國人,這不是我們的歷史位置 – 這不足以捕捉到美國人對世界的想像力。
This resistance that they met was fierce, and some paid with their lives. But they would not be deterred, and they soon spread out across the country to fight for their cause. One man from New York went west, all the way to the prairies of Illinois to start a colony.
And here in Galesburg, freedom found a home.
Here in Galesburg, the main depot for the Underground Railroad in Illinois, escaped slaves could roam freely on the streets and take shelter in people’s homes. And when their masters or the police would come for them, the people of this town would help them escape north, some literally carrying them in their arms to freedom.
Think about the risks that involved. If they were caught abetting a fugitive, you could’ve been jailed or lynched. It would have been simple for these townspeople to turn the other way; to go live their lives in a private peace.
And yet, they didn’t do that. Why?
Because they knew that we were all Americans; that we were all brothers and sisters; the same reason that a century later, young men and women your age would take Freedom Rides down south, to work for the Civil Rights movement. The same reason that black women would walk instead of ride a bus after a long day of doing somebody else’s laundry and cleaning somebody else’s kitchen. Because they were marching for freedom.
Today, on this day of possibility, we stand in the shadow of a lanky, raw-boned man with little formal education who once took the stage at Old Main and told the nation that if anyone did not believe the American principles of freedom and equality, that those principles were timeless and all-inclusive, they should go rip that page out of the Declaration of Independence.
My hope for all of you is that as you leave here today, you decide to keep these principles alive in your own life and in the life of this country. You will be tested. You won’t always succeed. But know that you have it within your power to try. That generations who have come before you faced these same fears and uncertainties in their own time. And that through our collective labor, and through God’s providence, and our willingness to shoulder each other’s burdens, America will continue on its precious journey towards that distant horizon, and a better day.
Thank you so much class of 2005, and congratulations on your graduation. Thank you.

Apple’s plan to start manufacturing in India

1280px-apple_headquarters_in_cupertino[Image Source: Joe Ravi]

[Original Source via Bloomberg]
Apple wrote to India’s industry ministry in Dec 2016 seeking lower import and manufacturing duties. Apple’s plan towards a bigger slice of Indian sales has encountered challenges due the India’s policy whith requires at least 30% of components to be made locally before a foreign company can sell through their own outlets. Provided that Apple makes most of its products in China, Apple doesn’t meet that criteria.

Thanks to the “Make in India”policy, Apple wants to start another round of discussion with the tax department on the future liability on its India earnings.

If this new plan is going to happen, the biggest impact will be on the Foxconn Technology Group – Apple’s main manufacturing partner in China. Most iPhones are put together in China by Foxconn.



如果這個新計劃將要發生,受最大影響的將是富士康科技集團 – 蘋果在中國的主要製造合作夥伴。大多數iPhone都是是由富士康在中國製造。


Apple Updates GarageBand With New Instruments and Sounds to Celebrate Chinese Music


This article is from MacRumors

Apple today announced a major update to its GarageBand music creation software for Mac and iOS, adding a wide range of Chinese instruments that are designed to celebrate the “rich history of Chinese music.” Today’s update also includes “extensive Chinese language localization.”

蘋果公司今天宣布了一項的重大更新到Mac和iOS的GarageBand音樂創作軟件,添加廣泛的中國樂器,旨在慶祝 “中國音樂的豐富的歷史。”今天的更新還包括“廣泛的中國語言包。”

In a press release, Apple says the update adds traditional Chinese instruments like the pipa and erhu, plus Chinese percussion offerings that include drums, wood blocks, cymbals, and gongs. 300 Apple-created Chinese musical loops have also been added to the apps.


“GarageBand is the most popular music creation app in the world and we’re excited to introduce these new features that incorporate the rich history of traditional Chinese music,” said Susan Prescott, Apple’s vice president of Product Marketing. “By adding classic Chinese instruments and new Live Loop templates, the new GarageBand app makes it fun and easy to make Chinese-inspired music right on your iPhone, iPad or Mac.”

“GarageBand中是世界上最流行的音樂創作應用程序,我們很高興推出結合了中國傳統音樂的豐富歷史這些新功能,” Susan Prescott 蘋果公司產品營銷副總裁說。 “通過增加中國古典樂器和新的現場循環(Live Loop)的模板,新的GarageBand應用程序,使你更有趣味性和容易在iPhone,iPad或Mac製造中國風格的音樂。”

The new instruments are available on both the iOS and Mac versions of GarageBand, and each instrument includes different playing articulations like rapid picking and note bend for the pipa and trill, grace note, and glissando for the erhu.

GarageBand的iOS和Mac版本上都可用的新的工具,每個樂器都包含不同的播放關節(playing articulations)像琵琶和顫音,裝飾音,和對二胡滑音及兩者的快速採摘(rapid picking)和音符轉奏(note bend) 。

Apple-created loops have been created from a wide variety of instruments and styles, including guzheng, dizi, yangqin and Peking Opera, which can be combined with the new instruments for a unique sound. GarageBand for iOS also includes two new Chinese templates for Live Loops and new sharing options for popular Chinese social networks.

蘋果是從各種樂器和風格,創作出循環曲 (loop),包括古箏,笛子,揚琴和京劇,它可以結合新的儀器創作出一個獨特的聲音。 GarageBand的iOS版還包括對現場循環(Live Loops)和新的共享選項兩個新的中國社交網絡功能。

All of the new features in today’s update are automatically enabled in Greater China and for Mac users outside of Greater China. On iOS devices outside of Greater China, the features can be enabled through the advanced settings menu.


Chinese musician JJ Lin posted a YouTube video of himself using the new GarageBand app for iOS with Tim Cook, which Tim Cook tweeted.

其中Tim Cook 推文,分享中國音樂家 JJ Lin與他使用iOS新的GarageBand應用程序的YouTube視頻。

Apple has been aiming to express its support for China in recent weeks following hints of regulatory trouble in the country. Apple is reportedly being targeted for being “too deeply established” in China’s core industries and recently saw iTunes Movies and iBooks Stores in the country shut down following the Hong Kong iTunes release of the controversial independent movie Ten Years, which had been banned in China.


Apple recently announced a $1 billion investment in Chinese ride-sharing company Didi Chuxing, and this morning, he visited the country to meet with Didi Chuxing president Jean Liu. Cook also met with App Store developers at an Apple Store in Beijing.

蘋果最近宣布將在中國投資十億的 Didi Chuxing 乘車共享公司,今天上午,他訪問了該國與Didi Chuxing 主席Jean Liu見面,Cook也在北京蘋果商店會見了App Store的開發者。


Twitter to Stop Counting Photos and Links in 140-Character Limit


This article is from Bloomberg and translated to Chinese

Twitter Inc. is making a major shift in how it counts characters in Tweets, giving users more freedom to compose longer messages.


The social media company will soon stop counting photos and links as part of its 140-character limit for messages, according to a person familiar with the matter. The change could happen in the next two weeks, said the person who asked not to be named because the decision isn’t yet public. Links currently take up 23 characters, even after Twitter automatically shortens them. The company declined to comment.


It’s a step in a larger plan to give users more flexibility on the site. Chief Executive Officer Jack Dorsey said in January that the company was looking for new ways to display text on Twitter, and would experiment based on how people use the service. For example, some people tweet screenshots of longer text in articles, or send many tweets one after the other to tell a story.

這是一個仲大的計劃,給用戶者上更靈活使用網站。首席執行官Jack Dorsey今年1月表示,該公司正在尋找新的方式在Twitter上顯示文本,其實驗基於人們如何使用該服務。例如,有些人推較長的文本截及圖,或在其他人文章之後發送許多推文以講一個故事。

Twitter’s 140-character limit was originally adopted because it was a way to send Tweets while fitting all the information within a mobile text message — a common way for sending Tweets when the service debuted in 2006, before the proliferation of smartphones.

Twitter的140個字符的限制最初被採用,因為它是要發出推文時,同時配合手機短信內的傳遞信息的方法 -該發送推文服務於2006年推出,是在智能手機的廣泛使用前的時候。

The company earlier this year considered raising the limit to as many as 10,000 characters. But the quick, concise nature of Tweets has helped set the site apart from the competition. Executives have spent the last few months emphasizing how Twitter is a destination for live events and discussion. Removing the character requirement for links and photos may encourage users to add more media to their posts.


Twitter has been making video a priority as part of its push for live events. Earlier this year, the company agreed to pay $10 million to the National Football League for the rights to stream 10 Thursday night games during the 2016 season, people familiar with the matter have said. Twitter is working on more content deals for streaming sports, political events and entertainment.

Twitter一直在以視頻優先作為其推動使用在現場活動。今年早些時候,該公司同意支付一千萬給全國足球聯賽(National Football League)以取得2016年權利賽季週四夜場串流直播的專利,熟悉內情的人們說。Twitter 正在開發更多的運動,政治事件和娛樂串流直播的交易。